

Colin McEnroe and his very intelligent students look at the Digital Revolution in media.


Palin spit out a lot of facts and made a whole lot more sense than ever
before, but as I listened to her answers, I got the distinct impression that
she
was making a mental check-list of things to say and trying to work them
into the
questions. This reminds me of many many college exams I took, where
I would
decide there wasn't enough time to actually learn the information,
but if I
memorized a few BIG facts, I could somehow make them work for any
essay
question. Was anyone out there keeping track of how many times Palin
explained
why she wouldn't be answering the question and then went on to say
whatever she
felt like? This actually really bothered me. While Biden did
some of the same, I
got the feeling that he was explaining information he
understood, even if he got
a little off-topic, while Palin was simply
regurgitating, regardless of whether
or not it was related
.
I happen to be of kind of addicted to The New York Times letters. Guess
As someone who teaches history, I often give essay exams, and inevitably there
are students who arrive ill prepared to take the exam. These students typically
adopt one of two strategies: they either construct an essay that is a torrent of
words, hoping that by filling up the space I will not notice that they don’t
know anything (Sarah Palin’s performance in the Katie Couric interviews); or
they ignore the question I’ve asked, and answer something else they do know a
little about (Ms. Palin’s performance in the vice-presidential debate).
Both
strategies earn an F, since neither indicates that they can tackle a crucial
issue in the course.
Many of us watching the vice-presidential debate wanted
to know how well Governor Palin could tackle a crucial issue facing the nation.
Mr. Brooks informs us that Republicans were relieved that Sarah Palin adopted
what amounts to Strategy No. 2 in the debate, and therefore avoided seeming as
clueless as she did in the Couric interviews, but let me assure him (and them)
that it was no more helpful in establishing her ability to be an effective vice
president than Strategy No. 1.
Barbara Weinstein
See, when things are very recognizable, they have a better chance of spreading as memes.
This is all a terrible shame. For us, mainly. But also for Palin, whose intelligence and toughness may wind up buried under the legend of her verb-deprived ramblings.
Palin is, in many ways, a genuine heir to the women’s liberation movement of the 1970s, which tried to make sure that future generations of American women would grow up feeling they had every right to compete with men for all the best rewards and adventures the world had to offer. She never seems to have had a single doubt that she could accomplish whatever she set her mind to. When she got involved in politics, she used the time-honored male route of cultivating powerful mentors, then pushing them out of the way at the first possible opportunity. When she was governor, she did what very few female politicians do, and ignored all the subsidiary issues in order to put all her bets on one big policy payoff in the form of a new state energy policy.
Then, somehow, she concluded that her success in clawing her way to the top of Alaska’s modest political heap meant she was capable of running the United States.
This entire election season has been a long-running saga about the rise of women in American politics. On Thursday, it all went sour. The people boosting Palin’s triumph were not celebrating because she demonstrated that she is qualified to be president if something ever happened to John McCain. They were cheering her success in covering up her lack of knowledge about the things she would have to deal with if she wound up running the country

There were a few things I liked about this segment. First off, I loved the input from regular people. Not pundits, not the "The View" ladies, not Matt Damon, just regular people with regular concerns. I was really interested in the difference of opinion and priority between the two people who had been involved in Iraq; while they didn't say what capacity they'd been there in, it seemed fairly clear that the guy had been a soldier while the lady did something that wasn't quite in the field (my apologies for the obvious speculation of this). The reason I thought that was interesting was that it reflected that the soldier was more interested in the treatment of returned veterans, whereas the person who might have had something more of a sidelines (albeit still important) role was more interested in strategic elements (aka John McCain's exit strategy of not having an exit strategy).
There was no suspension of his campaign. His surrogates
and ads
remained on television. Huffington Post bloggers, working the phones, couldn’t
find a
single McCain campaign office that had gone on hiatus. This “suspension”
ruse was an exact replay of McCain’s self-righteous “suspension” of the G.O.P.
convention as Hurricane Gustav arrived on Labor Day. “We will put aside our
political hats and put on our American hats,” he declared
then, solemnly pledging that conventioneers would help those in need. But as
anyone in the Twin Cities could see, the assembled put on their party hats
instead, piling into the lobbyists’ bacchanals earlier than scheduled, albeit on
the down-low.
Much of the press paid lip service to McCain’s new “suspension”
as it had to its prototype. In truth, the only campaign activity McCain did drop
was a Wednesday evening taping with David Letterman. Don’t mess with Dave.
Picking up where the “The View” left off in speaking truth to power, the
uncharacteristically furious host
hammered the absent McCain on and off for 40 minutes, repeatedly observing
that the cancellation “didn’t smell right.”
In a journalistic coup de grâce
worthy of “60 Minutes,” Letterman went on to unmask his no-show guest as a liar.
McCain had phoned himself that afternoon to say he was “getting on a plane
immediately” to deal with the grave situation in Washington, Letterman told the
audience. Then he
showed video of McCain being touched up by a makeup artist while awaiting an
interview by Couric that same evening at another CBS studio in New York.
It’s not hard to guess why McCain had blown off Letterman for Couric at the
last minute. The McCain campaign’s high anxiety about the disastrous
Couric-Palin sit-down was skyrocketing as advance excerpts flooded the Internet.
By offering his own interview to Couric for the same night, McCain hoped (in
vain) to dilute Palin’s primacy on the “CBS Evening News.”
Letterman’s most
mordant laughs on Wednesday came when he riffed about McCain’s campaign
“suspension”: “Do you suspend your campaign? No, because that makes me think
maybe there will be other things down the road, like if he’s in the White House,
he might just suspend being president. I mean, we’ve got a guy like that
now!”




You know the press is impotent at unmasking this truthiness when the
hardest-hitting interrogation McCain has yet faced on television came on "The
View." Barbara Walters and Joy Behar called him on
several falsehoods, including his endlessly repeated fantasy that Palin
opposed earmarks for Alaska. Behar used the word "lies" to his face. The McCains
are so used to deference from "the filter" that Cindy McCain later complained
that "The View" picked "our bones clean." In our news culture, Behar, a stand-up
comic by profession, looms as the new Edward R. Murrow.
Network news, with
its dwindling handful of investigative reporters, has barely mentioned, let
alone advanced, major new print revelations about Cindy McCain’s drug-addiction
history (in
The Washington Post) and the rampant cronyism and secrecy in Palin’s
governance of Alaska (in last
Sunday’s New York Times). At least the networks repeatedly fact-check the
low-hanging fruit among the countless Palin lies, but John McCain’s past usually
remains off limits.


How many of these Americans are going online specifically for news?
Nearly three-quarters of those who go online have used the medium at some
point for news in 2007, a percentage that has not changed over the past five
years, although the total the universe of online users has grown during this
time.
But, as was the case for more general use, the number going online
regularly for news is growing.
In late 2007, more than 7 in 10 Americans
(71%) said they went online for news, the same number reported in 2002,
according to the Pew Internet & American Life Project. But the number
who
reported going online more regularly has grown considerably. In the
October to
December survey, 37% went online yesterday for news, up from the
30% who did so
at the same time in 2005 and the 26% who did so in 2002. This
is the highest
number recorded by the Pew Internet project.
And then, I start wanting to know what "news" is.
Measuring the Internet has become increasingly complicated. As advertisers have
become frustrated by the lack of a universally accepted metric, a number of
alternatives have emerged.
Marketers are relying increasingly on data from
companies like Hitwise, an online measurement firm, rather than figures from
Nielsen//Net Ratings and comScore.
When we compared data from Nielsen//Net
Ratings and Hitwise for October 2007, there were some similarities, but a number
of important differences.
Yahoo News, CNN.com and MSNBC.com were the most
popular news sites in both lists. The New York Times was the most popular
newspaper Web site. Over all, 10 sites appeared in both sets of rankings.
Does it seem like they really know?
"In 2004 those 18-29 were 21.8% of the population, while those 58-69 were just 13.2%. Add in the 11.5% 70 and up, and you get just 24.7% of "geezers" over 58 vs. 21.8% of "kids". But the sly old geezers know a thing or two about voting. Shift from share of the population to share of the electorate and the advantage shifts to the old: 18-29 year olds were just 16% of the electorate in 2004, while those 58-69 were an almost equal 15.9%. Add in the 70+ group at 13.4% and the geezers win hands down: 29.3% of voters vs 16% for the young. That difference is the power of high turnout. It goes a long way to explaining why Social Security is the third rail of American politics."
It might also explain why nightly news matters.


